AcaWiki - User contributions [en]

Network Positions and Contributions to Online Public Goods: The Case of Chinese Wikipedia

2013-01-03T05:14:36Z

Aaronshaw:

{{Summary
|title=Network Positions and Contributions to Online Public Goods: The Case of Chinese Wikipedia
|authors=Xiaoquan Zhang, Chong Wang
|tags=Network analysis, Peer Production, Wikis, Public Goods, Causal Inference, Natural Experiment, Information Systems
|summary=In a paper published in the ''Journal of Management Information Systems'', Xiaoquan (Michael) Zhang and Chong (Alex) Wang use a natural experiment to demonstrate that changes to the position of individuals within the editor network of a Wiki causes changes to their editing behavior. The data for this study come from the Chinese Wikipedia. In October 2005, the Chinese government suddenly blocked access to Chinese Wikipedia from mainland China, creating an unanticipated decline in the editor population. As a result, the remaining editors found themselves in a new network structure and, the authors claim, any changes in editor behavior that ensued are likely effects of this discontinuous "shock" to the network. The authors define each editor as a node (vertex) in the network and a tie (edge) between two editors is created whenever the editors edit the same page in the wiki. They then examine how changes to three aspects of individual editors' connectedness (centrality) to other editors within the network altered their subsequent patterns of contribution.

The main finding of the paper is that changes in the three kids of editors' connectedness within the network result in differential changes to their editing behavior. First, an increase in the number of direct connections between one editor and the rest of the network (degree centrality) resulted in that editor making fewer edits and more work on articles she created. Second, an increase in the overall proximity of an editor to the other members of the network (closeness centrality) resulted in fewer edits and less work on articles she created. Third, an increase in the extent to which an editor connected otherwise isolated groups in the network (betweenness centrality) resulted in that editor making more edits and and more work on articles she created. Overall, these results imply that alterations to the network structure of a wiki can change both the quantity and quality of editor contributions. The authors argue that their findings confirm the predictions of both network game theory and theories of social roles. They also argue that future research should try to analyze the character of the network ties created within platforms for large scale online collaboration in order to better understand how changes to network structure may alter collaborative practices.
|relevance=This article is recently published and has not been cited widely yet.
|journal=Journal of Management Information Systems
|pub_date=2012
|journal_vol=29
|pub_open_access=
}}

User talk:Sj

2013-01-03T05:13:28Z

Aaronshaw: /* Welcome */ signed...sigh

Hello, welcome to my talk page. You can [http://acawiki.org/index.php?title=User_talk:Sj&action=edit&section=new leave me a message here], or leave me one on the [[m:user talk:sj|Meta-wiki]] for fastest response. [[User:Sj|Sj]]

== Welcome ==

Welcome to Acawiki! Glad to see you around here as well! Thanks so much for your contributions! I look forward to reading more! —[[User:Benjamin Mako Hill|mako]][[User talk:Benjamin Mako Hill|๛]] 00:48, 3 January 2013 (CET)
: Hey thanks. Using the site for a couple weeks made me think more deeply about how to handle citations. And how to get this hosted on a faster server :) [[User:Sj|Sj]] 06:02, 3 January 2013 (CET)
:: Welcome, SJ! +1 on the faster server! Huzzah! [[User:Aaronshaw|- Aaron -]] 06:13, 3 January 2013 (CET)

Network Positions and Contributions to Online Public Goods: The Case of Chinese Wikipedia

2013-01-03T05:12:34Z

Aaronshaw: created summary

{{Summary |title=Network Positions and Contributions to Online Public Goods: The Case of Chinese Wikipedia |authors=Xiaoquan Zhang, Chong Wang |journal=Journal of Management Information Systems |journal_vol=29 |pub_date=2012 |subject= |pub_open_access= |tags=Network analysis, Peer Production, Wikis, Public Goods, Causal Inference, Natural Experiment |summary=In a paper published in the ''Journal of Management Information Systems'', Xiaoquan (Michael) Zhang and Chong (Alex) Wang use a natural experiment to demonstrate that changes to the position of individuals within the editor network of a Wiki causes changes to their editing behavior. The data for this study come from the Chinese Wikipedia. In October 2005, the Chinese government suddenly blocked access to Chinese Wikipedia from mainland China, creating an unanticipated decline in the editor population. As a result, the remaining editors found themselves in a new network structure and, the authors claim, any changes in editor behavior that ensued are likely effects of this discontinuous "shock" to the network. The authors define each editor as a node (vertex) in the network and a tie (edge) between two editors is created whenever the editors edit the same page in the wiki. They then examine how changes to three aspects of individual editors' connectedness (centrality) to other editors within the network altered their subsequent patterns of contribution.

The main finding of the paper is that changes in the three kids of editors' connectedness within the network result in differential changes to their editing behavior. First, an increase in the number of direct connections between one editor and the rest of the network (degree centrality) resulted in that editor making fewer edits and more work on articles she created. Second, an increase in the overall proximity of an editor to the other members of the network (closeness centrality) resulted in fewer edits and less work on articles she created. Third, an increase in the extent to which an editor connected otherwise isolated groups in the network (betweenness centrality) resulted in that editor making more edits and and more work on articles she created. Overall, these results imply that alterations to the network structure of a wiki can change both the quantity and quality of editor contributions. The authors argue that their findings confirm the predictions of both network game theory and theories of social roles. They also argue that future research should try to analyze the character of the network ties created within platforms for large scale online collaboration in order to better understand how changes to network structure may alter collaborative practices. |relevance=This article is recently published and has not been cited widely yet.}}

User talk:Sj

2013-01-03T05:10:17Z

Aaronshaw: /* Welcome */

User talk:Aaronshaw

2013-01-03T05:06:08Z

Aaronshaw:

'''Go for it!'''

{{Welcome|name=Aaron}}
PS-As far as import from Zotero goes, I think the summary has to be in a particular field. Abstract, maybe? [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 08:08, 2 July 2010 (UTC)

: Hi there, stranger :) [[User:Sj|Sj]] 06:03, 3 January 2013 (CET)
:: Why hello there, Mr. K. :) [[User:Aaronshaw|- Aaron -]] 06:06, 3 January 2013 (CET)

Union democracy: The Internal Politics of the International Typographical Union

2013-01-03T05:04:36Z

Aaronshaw: created summary

{{Summary |title=Union democracy: The Internal Politics of the International Typographical Union |authors=Seymour Martin Lipset, Martin A. Trow, James S. Coleman |pub_date=1956 |subject= |pub_open_access= |tags=Sociology, Social Movements, Unions, Organizations, Politics |summary= In ''Union Democracy'', Lipset, Trow & Coleman offer what amounts to an extended and in-depth rebuttal to Robert Michels' "Iron Law of Oligarchy" - or the theory that as a nominally democratic organization increases in size a small group of leaders becomes increasingly entrenched and increasingly unconcerned hroughout the text, with the interests of the organization's members. The book draws from a multi-year study on the International Typographical Union (ITU), one of the earliest international industrial unions which, through the mid-twentieth century at least, boasted an extraordinary internal democratic political life that included two active political parties as well as numerous associations. Using interviews, surveys, shop-floor observation, and in-depth analysis of numerous documentary sources, the authors compile a multidimensional account of the factors that, they contend, sustain internal democracy in the ITU. Following the summary presented on pp. 463-468, these factors fall into the following categories (each of which is addressed in a corresponding subsection of the book):

#The history and structure of the ITU and of the printing industry within the climate of North American and European organized labor.
#The occupational status of printers and other aspects of printer culture and class that support participation.
#Organizational, social psychological, cultural, and economic factors that drive printers to participate actively in union activities.
#Structural aspects of the union and the profession that enable equitable access to political resources and participation.
#Institutions (law, values, etc.) within the Union and the profession.
#Ideological, psychological, cultural, and structural factors that sustain internal political divisions within the ITU.

Through their mass of evidence, the authors argue that no single element caused the ITU to be more democratic than any other union, but rather that a complex of distinct events, contextual elements, structural, ideological, organizational, psychological, and cultural factors worked to nurture, enable, deepen, and sustain the organizational democracy of the ITU. This is both a strength and a weakness of the analysis: few contemporary sociological studies of movement organizations even attempt such a wide-ranging explanation of the objects of their study, but the breadth also proves resistant to analytical parsimony or much in the way of a proscriptive agenda, as the authors themselves point out in the book's conclusion. In short, it is unclear how the analysis can generalize beyond the specifics of the case of the ITU. Given that the author's analysis is also limited (almost exclusively) to a series of bivariate correlational comparisons, they have no precise method by which to estimate the relative contributions of the factors they analyze to the outcomes in which they are interested. Nevertheless, these limitations are far outweighed by the fact that ''Union Democracy'' was a major achievement at the time it was published and that the book remains of enduring significance as a classical sociological study of leftist political movements, organizational democracy, and politics.

|relevance= This article has been cited over 1000 times (according to Google Scholar).}}

User:Aaronshaw

2013-01-03T04:49:11Z

Aaronshaw:

{{User
|name=Aaron Shaw
|photo=Shaw headshot crop2.JPG
|location=Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, USA
}}
Hello, AcaWiki

I'm an Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication Studies at Northwestern. For more info, check out [http://aaronshaw.org my website].

[[User:Aaronshaw|Aaronshaw]] 22:52, 1 July 2010 (UTC)

Theories of markets and theories of society

2012-04-19T20:35:55Z

Aaronshaw: tweaking tags

{{Summary
|title=Theories of Markets and Theories of Society
|authors=Marion Fourcade
|url=http://sociology.berkeley.edu/profiles/fourcade/pdf/ABS_2007.pdf
|tags=economic sociology, bourdieu, social theory, social science
|summary=In this essay, Fourcade elaborates a classification of the state of the field of economic sociology as of 2007. She argues that since its emergence in the mid-1980's, economic sociology has given rise to three major "camps" of scholarship on markets and market activity: structuralists pursuing network analysis, structuralists pursuing new institutionalist analyses of fields, and performativists (1019). She the describes the the major contributions and core claims of these three camps, arguing that they all embrace a relational perspective of markets and society (1028). This relational perspective provides overarching coherence to the recent trajectory of the field and positions economic sociology somewhere between the "individualistic parsimony" of economic theory and the "homogeneous higher order" of grand Parsonian theory (1029). She also contends that each area has something to offer to the field of social theory as a whole insofar as they provide a broader, more general explanation of social relations.
|relevance=The significance of this article largely derives from Fourcade's status as a rising figure within the field of economic sociology and the discipline of U.S. sociology as a whole. Her interpretations of the field possess clarity, coherence, and explanatory power, elaborating the Bourdieuian perspective of the field as a whole that she has articulated elsewhere (including a 2006 Annual Review piece co-authored with Kieran Healy). The piece is useful for anyone seeking a broad understanding of some of the major currents within economic sociology as well as a clearer understanding of the backdrop for Fourcade's own contributions to the field.
|journal=American Behavioral Scientist
|pub_date=2007
|doi=10.1177/0002764207299351
|subject=Sociology
|journal_vol=50
|pub_open_access=
}}

Theories of markets and theories of society

2012-04-19T20:35:01Z

Aaronshaw:

{{Summary
|title=Theories of Markets and Theories of Society
|authors=Marion Fourcade
|url=http://sociology.berkeley.edu/profiles/fourcade/pdf/ABS_2007.pdf
|tags=Sociology, economic sociology, bourdieu, social theory, social science
|summary=In this essay, Fourcade elaborates a classification of the state of the field of economic sociology as of 2007. She argues that since its emergence in the mid-1980's, economic sociology has given rise to three major "camps" of scholarship on markets and market activity: structuralists pursuing network analysis, structuralists pursuing new institutionalist analyses of fields, and performativists (1019). She the describes the the major contributions and core claims of these three camps, arguing that they all embrace a relational perspective of markets and society (1028). This relational perspective provides overarching coherence to the recent trajectory of the field and positions economic sociology somewhere between the "individualistic parsimony" of economic theory and the "homogeneous higher order" of grand Parsonian theory (1029). She also contends that each area has something to offer to the field of social theory as a whole insofar as they provide a broader, more general explanation of social relations.
|relevance=The significance of this article largely derives from Fourcade's status as a rising figure within the field of economic sociology and the discipline of U.S. sociology as a whole. Her interpretations of the field possess clarity, coherence, and explanatory power, elaborating the Bourdieuian perspective of the field as a whole that she has articulated elsewhere (including a 2006 Annual Review piece co-authored with Kieran Healy). The piece is useful for anyone seeking a broad understanding of some of the major currents within economic sociology as well as a clearer understanding of the backdrop for Fourcade's own contributions to the field.
|journal=American Behavioral Scientist
|pub_date=2007
|doi=10.1177/0002764207299351
|subject=Sociology
|journal_vol=50
|pub_open_access=
}}

Theories of markets and theories of society

2012-04-19T20:30:30Z

Aaronshaw: initial content added

{{Summary |title=Theories of Markets and Theories of Society |authors=Marion Fourcade |journal=American Behavioral Scientist |journal_vol=50 |pub_date=2007 |doi=10.1177/0002764207299351 |subject= |pub_open_access= |tags= Sociology, economic sociology, bourdieu, social theory, social science|summary= In this essay, Fourcade elaborates a classification of the state of the field of economic sociology as of 2007. She argues that since its emergence in the mid-1980's, economic sociology has given rise to three major "camps" of scholarship on markets and market activity: structuralists pursuing network analysis, structuralists pursuing new institutionalist analyses of fields, and performativists (1019). She the describes the the major contributions and core claims of these three camps, arguing that they all embrace a relational perspective of markets and society (1028). This relational perspective provides overarching coherence to the recent trajectory of the field and positions economic sociology somewhere between the "individualistic parsimony" of economic theory and the "homogeneous higher order" of grand Parsonian theory (1029). She also contends that each area has something to offer to the field of social theory as a whole insofar as they provide a broader, more general explanation of social relations.|relevance= The significance of this article largely derives from Fourcade's status as a major rising figure within the field of economic sociology and the discipline of U.S. sociology as a whole. Her interpretations of the field possess clarity, coherence, and explanatory power, and elaborates the Bourdieuian perspective of the field as a whole that she has articulated elsewhere (including a 2006 Annual Review piece co-authored with Kieran Healy). The piece is useful for anyone seeking a broad understanding of some of the major currents within economic sociology as well as a clearer understanding of the backdrop for Fourcade's own contributions to the field.}}

Talk:Taking Tilly south: durable inequalities, democratic contestation, and citizenship in the Southern Metropolis

2011-03-15T12:35:53Z

Aaronshaw: removed spam

Seeing like a state: How certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed

2010-10-19T02:07:45Z

Aaronshaw: created summary

{{Summary
|title=Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed
|authors=James Scott
|pub_date=1998
|subject=Anthropology
|pub_open_access=
|tags=Anthropology, Sociology, Globalization, Development, Knowledge, Politics, Theory
|summary=

In this book, James Scott sets out to understand the logic behind what he calls “state simplifications”: the acts and mentality that lead to well-intentioned efforts to improve the human conditions through the creation of social order, rationalization and scientific knowledge. He argues that a few factors are necessary for this logic to become operational: (1) the administrative ordering and legibility of the state as well as of nature; (2) a high modernist ideology shared among elites; (3) authoritarian state institutions; (4) a prostrate civil society (see pp. 4-6). In his empirical cases and chapters, he elaborates a position against the imperialism of such state logics and high modernist schemes, arguing instead for the recognition and empowerment of mētis, the informal, practical and improvisational knowledges through which poor, disempowered, and non-elites manage their existence on a day-to-day basis. This summary focuses on explaining Scott's ideas of high modernism and mētis

Scott defines high modernism variously throughout the book, but its ideological variants usually incorporate “a sweeping, rational engineering of all aspects of social life in order to improve the human condition” (88). Scott also identifies it with a “muscle-bound” belief in scientific and technological progress (89). He groups a range of political ideologies and actors under the high-modernist label. The list includes (most prominently) Le Corbusier and Lenin, both of whom sought authoritarian and revolutionary powers to impose a rationalized vision of society through radical state interventions. In this regard, Scott claims, “High-modernist ideology thus tends to devalue or banish politics. Political interests can only frustrate the social solutions devised by specialists with scientific tools adequate to their analysis” (94). In his discussion of Le Corbusier and Brasilia, he goes on to claim that another component of high-modernist interventions in urban space and developing countries consist of the desire to “start from zero” and to subject all subsequent decisions to the rationality of “The Plan.” Finally, in his chapter (8) on agronomy and scientific agriculture, Scott examines how high-modernist faith in progress and knowledge relies on the (intrinsically limited) apparatus of scientific knowledge production. Ultimately, Scott suggests, high modernism, science, and rational legibility can serve as useful – in some cases necessary - tools for improving the quality of human life, but they are not sufficient.

Throughout most of the text, the concept of mētis emerges only in contradistinction to high-modernist ideals & scientific knowledges. Arguably, Scott develops the idea most fully through his discussion of Jane Jacobs and his more systematic definition of the term in Chapter 9. mētis boils down to practical and informal knowledges which resist codification, systematization, or hierarchical imposition. In this, mētis lies somewhere between the completely unknowable, innate components that make up “genius” and the more formal, systematic teachings that make up modernist knowledges. As an organizing logic of social life, Scott contends that mētis offers several advantages over more structured, statist logics: (1) it decentralizes control to the edges of social systems where individuals have the greatest access to relevant information about their circumstances; (2) these peripheral individuals have the greatest stake in observing, altering, and improving their conditions through partial solutions and schemes; (3) they also have a huge advantage over planners and scientists in that they spend all their time “in the field”; (4) they can act on the collective and accumulated wisdom of an entire community in crafting particular solutions to their particular circumstances (see 324). In this way, mētis also functions as the “intricate, almost unconscious network of voluntary controls and standards among the people themselves and enforced by the people themselves” (Scott, quoting Jacobs, p 135).
|relevance= Scott is a senior professor at Yale University. This book is widely read and cited in Anthropology, Sociology, Development Studies, Geography, Urban Studies and other fields. In the context of research on development and globalization, Scott's concepts of high modernism (developed in chapter 3, the first half of chapter 4, and chapter 8) and mētis (the latter half of chapter 4 and chapter 9) arguably represent the most original and compelling contributions of this book.}}

Managing the boundary of an open project

2010-10-17T22:53:25Z

Aaronshaw: created summary

{{Summary
|title=Managing the boundary of an open project
|authors=Siobhán O'Mahony, Fabrizio Ferraro
|journal=Market Emergence and Transformation
|subject= Sociology, Organizations, Free and Open Source Software, Internet
|pub_open_access=
|tags=
|summary= This paper describes the evolution of the boundary-management process within the Debian Linux community. Drawing on archival, interview, and keyring cryptography network data from the Debian project between 1997-2001, the authors argue that the growth of the community over time has led the community members to negotiate and implement a steadily more and more complex boundary-management process, leading to increasingly formalized organizational boundaries, despite (or perhaps because of?) the project's openness. The authors focus their empirical discussion & analysis on the maintainer keyring within the project, demonstrating how the growth of the keyring has led to network position within the keyring becoming an increasingly important predictor of status/authority within the community as a whole.
|relevance= The paper is one of several Debian-focused publications by these authors and builds on O'Mahony's dissertation and other writings on this topic. It makes a compelling, albeit sometimes tenuous connection between the literature on networked organizations, knowledge production, and online communities. It has not been especially widely-read or cited.\n\n The full text is available through [http://en.scientificcommons.org/33975918 Scientific Commons]
}}

Passive revolution

2010-10-14T14:32:07Z

Aaronshaw:

{{Summary
|title=Passive revolution: absorbing the Islamic challenge to capitalism
|authors=Cihan Tuğal
|tags=Sociology, globalization, hegemony, islam, capitalism, neoliberalism
|summary=Tugal explores the notion of passive revolution: "one of the convoluted, sometimes unintended, ways by which the dominant sectors establish willing consent (“hegemony”) for their rule" (4). Drawing on Gramsci's fleeting definition of the term, Tugal begins the basic criteria that differentiates passive revolutions from "classic" revolutions: "in a passive revolution popular sectors are mobilized with revolutionary discourses and strategies only to reinforce existing patterns of domination" (4). Tugal then delves into how AKP appropriated the islamicist mobilization previously undertaken by activists and workers. For Tugal, the question becomes: "Why did the activists and popular sectors, who had until that point supported the religious and anti-free market platform of the Islamist party, wholeheartedly embrace the AKP government?" (8). His answer focuses on the mechanisms by which the pious business community establish hegemony, making their vision the vision of pious popular sectors and activists through the AKP (8).

Hegemony is established on the interface between civil society and political society. How does political society link civil society to the state? Tugal argues that it is by "weaving together three aspects of social life - everyday routine, the use of space, and economic experience" (25). Drawing on Bourdieu, he argues that this takes place in social movements as elites "establish consent for inequality through instilling certain patterns of behavior, rhythms of life, notions of time, uses of the body, classification systems, bodies of knowledge and rituals" (29).

According to Tugal, political society: "is dependent on its relationship to civil society and the state. To refashion the political and social structure, political society must re-create civil society. This is what Islamic political society concentrated on doing until 2002" (102). The emergence of foundations, schools, and Sufi communities Islamized the everyday life of Sultanbeyli (102). Space was also transformed. Sultanbeyli was conceived as an “Islamic Fortress” with teahouses, booksellers, mosques, cultural centers, headquarters of Islamic parties, stores with Islamic paraphernalia, and gender-segregated restaurants (120). At the same time, 'Islamicizing' the relationship between civil society and economic was always a bit more problematic due to a lack of consensus between anti-private property radicalism and the pro-market supporters (124).

Eventually, islamization reached its limits as a result of a variety of causes. Islamists had developed communities, informal networks, and associations that they linked to the political party to mobilize and politicize millions of people, thus linking civil society to political society. However, they had failed to link these elements of civil and political society to the state or to use them to capture the state (8). Tugal argues that this was tied to the military intervention of 1997 that repressed Islamic civil society organizations. He also demonstrates how the limits of Islamist politicization were also expressed in persistent popular attitudes of materialist resistance to totalizing religious ideals: "first fix the economy, then we can pray" (108). In addition, he shows that while Islamism dwindled after the 1990s, losing "its revolutionary fervor and its claim to transform the totality of everyday life" (114), "it had also become a naturalized part of many residents' identity and life, though it was merged and reconciled with nationalism, traditional religion, and modernity" (114). Building on this foundation of casual, everyday religiosity, the AKP rose to power by using Islamist techniques of linking religious civil and political society to strategically "integrate the pious masses to the secular state" (8).

By the time Tugal revisited Sultanbeyli in 2006, the AKP-driven transition to a modern, secularized Islamic civil society had reached an advanced stage (chapter 6). The result is that formerly insurgent practices and ideas of politicized Islam have been subtly re-cast in a market-friendly, hegemonic mold. Tugal discusses several causes and effects of this transformation, ranging from the decline of popular religiosity (~p. 200-204); the secularization of both popular and elite strategies of self-representation; the changes in urban spatial structure and the "spatial gender regime" (207-211; 211-214); as well as the widespread naturalization of capitalism and market-oriented ideologies (217-231).

To summarize, Tugal's account of Neoliberal absorption of politicized Islam emphasizes how political struggles (the dismantling of "integral" Islamic civil society and the rise of the moderate AKP after 1997) brought about the routinization of Islamist charisma (203-204), enabling the AKP to subtly remake civil society in its own, market-friendly and non-dogmatic image. With the short-circuiting of insurgent religiosity and systematic interventions into the everyday habits and spaces of citizens, the AKP was able to take advantage of existing gaps and uncertainties in Islamist ideology, framing an elite project of market-oriented empowerment within the language of moderate, secularized Islamic faith. The breakdown of the formerly rigid boundaries between Islamism and secularism and the disappearance of organized forms of resistance to secularist hegemony facilitated the diffusion of AKP-inspired and market-friendly ideals of personal responsibility among the residents of Sultanbeyli.

In an interesting final twist, Tugal notes that while this process of passive revolution had reinforced the market-oriented project of the AKP at the time of his second visit, AKP hegemony remains incomplete in important ways. The shop-keepers, workers and small-time "entrepreneurs" Tugal interviews in 2006 articulate half-formed criticisms against the market and the subsumption of religious and political life to its logic, suggesting that a subsequent countermovement against the market may be able to gain traction in the event that some civic association or group emerged to organize such half-formed critiques into a self-conscious collective movement (231-233).
|relevance=Tugal has published extensively in the ''New Left Review'' and other prominent venues. This book makes an important contribution to contemporary Marxist theory as it presents a compelling interpretation and extension of Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony by elaborating a more precise notion of ''political society'' than previously existed. The text is also a contribution to the literature on globalization as it interprets the rise of a national Islamist political movement in Turkey in relation to the broader transition to neoliberalism on a global level.
|pub_date=2009
|subject=Sociology
|pub_open_access=
}}

Passive revolution

2010-10-14T14:31:22Z

Aaronshaw: created summary

{{Summary
|title=Passive revolution: absorbing the Islamic challenge to capitalism
|authors=Cihan Tuğal
|pub_date=2009
|subject=sociology
|pub_open_access=
|tags=sociology, globalization, hegemony, islam, capitalism, neoliberalism
|summary=
Tugal explores the notion of passive revolution: "one of the convoluted, sometimes unintended, ways by which the dominant sectors establish willing consent (“hegemony”) for their rule" (4). Drawing on Gramsci's fleeting definition of the term, Tugal begins the basic criteria that differentiates passive revolutions from "classic" revolutions: "in a passive revolution popular sectors are mobilized with revolutionary discourses and strategies only to reinforce existing patterns of domination" (4). Tugal then delves into how AKP appropriated the islamicist mobilization previously undertaken by activists and workers. For Tugal, the question becomes: "Why did the activists and popular sectors, who had until that point supported the religious and anti-free market platform of the Islamist party, wholeheartedly embrace the AKP government?" (8). His answer focuses on the mechanisms by which the pious business community establish hegemony, making their vision the vision of pious popular sectors and activists through the AKP (8).

Hegemony is established on the interface between civil society and political society. How does political society link civil society to the state? Tugal argues that it is by "weaving together three aspects of social life - everyday routine, the use of space, and economic experience" (25). Drawing on Bourdieu, he argues that this takes place in social movements as elites "establish consent for inequality through instilling certain patterns of behavior, rhythms of life, notions of time, uses of the body, classification systems, bodies of knowledge and rituals" (29).

According to Tugal, political society: "is dependent on its relationship to civil society and the state. To refashion the political and social structure, political society must re-create civil society. This is what Islamic political society concentrated on doing until 2002" (102). The emergence of foundations, schools, and Sufi communities Islamized the everyday life of Sultanbeyli (102). Space was also transformed. Sultanbeyli was conceived as an “Islamic Fortress” with teahouses, booksellers, mosques, cultural centers, headquarters of Islamic parties, stores with Islamic paraphernalia, and gender-segregated restaurants (120). At the same time, 'Islamicizing' the relationship between civil society and economic was always a bit more problematic due to a lack of consensus between anti-private property radicalism and the pro-market supporters (124).

Eventually, islamization reached its limits as a result of a variety of causes. Islamists had developed communities, informal networks, and associations that they linked to the political party to mobilize and politicize millions of people, thus linking civil society to political society. However, they had failed to link these elements of civil and political society to the state or to use them to capture the state (8). Tugal argues that this was tied to the military intervention of 1997 that repressed Islamic civil society organizations. He also demonstrates how the limits of Islamist politicization were also expressed in persistent popular attitudes of materialist resistance to totalizing religious ideals: "first fix the economy, then we can pray" (108). In addition, he shows that while Islamism dwindled after the 1990s, losing "its revolutionary fervor and its claim to transform the totality of everyday life" (114), "it had also become a naturalized part of many residents' identity and life, though it was merged and reconciled with nationalism, traditional religion, and modernity" (114). Building on this foundation of casual, everyday religiosity, the AKP rose to power by using Islamist techniques of linking religious civil and political society to strategically "integrate the pious masses to the secular state" (8).

By the time Tugal revisited Sultanbeyli in 2006, the AKP-driven transition to a modern, secularized Islamic civil society had reached an advanced stage (chapter 6). The result is that formerly insurgent practices and ideas of politicized Islam have been subtly re-cast in a market-friendly, hegemonic mold. Tugal discusses several causes and effects of this transformation, ranging from the decline of popular religiosity (~p. 200-204); the secularization of both popular and elite strategies of self-representation; the changes in urban spatial structure and the "spatial gender regime" (207-211; 211-214); as well as the widespread naturalization of capitalism and market-oriented ideologies (217-231).

To summarize, Tugal's account of Neoliberal absorption of politicized Islam emphasizes how political struggles (the dismantling of "integral" Islamic civil society and the rise of the moderate AKP after 1997) brought about the routinization of Islamist charisma (203-204), enabling the AKP to subtly remake civil society in its own, market-friendly and non-dogmatic image. With the short-circuiting of insurgent religiosity and systematic interventions into the everyday habits and spaces of citizens, the AKP was able to take advantage of existing gaps and uncertainties in Islamist ideology, framing an elite project of market-oriented empowerment within the language of moderate, secularized Islamic faith. The breakdown of the formerly rigid boundaries between Islamism and secularism and the disappearance of organized forms of resistance to secularist hegemony facilitated the diffusion of AKP-inspired and market-friendly ideals of personal responsibility among the residents of Sultanbeyli.

In an interesting final twist, Tugal notes that while this process of passive revolution had reinforced the market-oriented project of the AKP at the time of his second visit, AKP hegemony remains incomplete in important ways. The shop-keepers, workers and small-time "entrepreneurs" Tugal interviews in 2006 articulate half-formed criticisms against the market and the subsumption of religious and political life to its logic, suggesting that a subsequent countermovement against the market may be able to gain traction in the event that some civic association or group emerged to organize such half-formed critiques into a self-conscious collective movement (231-233).

|relevance=
Tugal has published extensively in the ''New Left Review'' and other prominent venues. This book makes an important contribution to contemporary Marxist theory as it presents a compelling interpretation and extension of Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony by elaborating a more precise notion of ''political society'' than previously existed. The text is also a contribution to the literature on globalization as it interprets the rise of a national Islamist political movement in Turkey in relation to the broader transition to neoliberalism on a global level.
}}

Taking Tilly south: durable inequalities, democratic contestation, and citizenship in the Southern Metropolis

2010-10-07T16:08:20Z

Aaronshaw: created summary

{{Summary
|title=Taking Tilly south: durable inequalities, democratic contestation, and citizenship in the Southern Metropolis
|authors=Patrick Heller, Peter Evans
|journal=Theory and Society
|journal_vol=39
|pub_date=2010
|doi=10.1007/s11186-010-9115-3
|subject=sociology, politics
|pub_open_access=
|tags= globalization, sociology, social theory, politics, inequality
|summary= In a synoptic comparative analysis of state-city-society relations in India, South Africa and Brazil, Heller and Evans assess the applicability of Charles Tilly's theories of the relational contestation, and citizenship to democratic politics in the Global South. Building on Tilly's (1998) theoretical work on {Durable Inequalities}, the authors contrast a ''relational'' perspective on politics in the Southern metropolis with ''structuralist'' and ''residualist'' approaches. They argue that the relational approach to understanding the role of categorical inequalities in the politics of the city, state, and society provides a more nuanced and accurate account of the political and economic variations across the three largest Southern democracies. In doing so, they expand the original purview of Tilly's work to encompass thinking not only about the politics of development and globalization, but also the dynamics of urban citizenship that play a crucial role in shaping the character of state-society relations in all three.

The structuralist approach, identified here with the work of Mike Davis and other (predominantly Marxist) theorists of global capitlalist world system, emphasizes the power of structural, macro-economic forces to determine the shape and character of politics in the Global South. Heller and Evans critique structuralism for its failure to understand the effects of different patterns of citizenship,democratization and contestation on the relative capacity of the population as well as the various administrative levels of the national and local state to reduce social inequalities. They also question structuralism's deep pessimism about the opportunities to assert agency through collective action (by means of social movements, etc.) against the worst of global capitalism's effects.

In contrast, the residualist theories are identified as more consistent with the approach of economists and policy-makers who tend to view inequalities and anti-democratic politics as either market failures, institutional failures, or some combination thereof. The tendency among these scholars is to recommend a mixture of institutional capacity-building and/or technocratic policy reform to overcome (what they usually conclude to be) limitations of local attitudes or traditions. Heller and Evans criticize these arguments as overly optimistic about the capacity for individual agency in the face of durable inequalities reproduced by categorical distinctions that cannot simply be legislated away. They also argue that residualist theories cannot account for the variation in responses to technocratic policy solutions, each of which seem to fail in peculiar ways that cannot be reduced to economic or political forces alone.

In their analysis of India, South Africa and Brazil, Heller & Evans support their critique of structualism and residualism while also elaborating their interpretation of Tilly's perspective. In particular, they underscore the significance of ''contentious politics'' and social movements for understanding the shape of democratic citizenship across the three countries.

For Inida, the authors contend that democratic citizenship at the national level remains constrained by the durable effects of categorical inequalities such as caste, religion, and class at the local and state levels. Local clientelism has undermined national democracy.

In South Africa, Heller and Evans claim that the post-apartheid entrenchment of the ANC as the sole arbiter of state power coupled with the continued exclusion of poor blacks in the peripheries of the country's largest mega-cities has likewise constrained the opportunities for deepened democratic participation or reduced inequality. In this case, the overwhelming power of the national state has left no room for meaningful contestation or participation at the local leve. The result has been de-democratization throughout the country.

Finally, the authors point to Brazil as a counter example. Here, the institutionalization of popular social movements following the collapse of the military dictatorship was coupled with an expansion of citizenship rights and municipal level state autonomy. More so than in either India or South Africa, democratization in Brazil has meant the expansion and integration of contentious politics into the everyday relationship of citizens to the state at multiple levels. The result has been an increase of effective, participatory mechanisms of governance that reduce the long-standing effects of categorical inequalities.

Heller and Evans make a convincing case that ''taking Tilly South'' makes for important theoretical insights that go beyond either of the prevailing approaches to the study of durable inequalities and development in the capitalist world system. Perhaps most significantly in the context of much of the previous literature addressing similar themes within Sociology, Development Studies, and Political Science, the essay opens the door to a broade critique insofar as it "brings the city back in" to an area of study historically blind to sub-national dynamics ''below'' federal or state-level.

|relevance= This paper extends the analytical framework of a contemporary American sociological theorist (Charles Tilly) to an area of research he did not study. The authors are both senior scholars in prominent sociology departments at prestigious U.S. universities. While the work is very recent, it may attract a wide readership among sociologists who study politics, globalization, political economy, and development.}}

User talk:Aaronshaw

2010-07-01T23:00:04Z

Aaronshaw: Created page with ''''Go for it!''''

'''Go for it!'''

User talk:Benjamin Mako Hill

2010-07-01T22:59:15Z

Aaronshaw: /* Zotero Integration Question */ new section

Hi Mako,

Thanks for the feedback and for contributing so much to the site. We're up for another round of site improvements next month so will definitely try and address these with the resources we have. It would probably also be good to have a conversation at that point about these and other potential issues, ideas, etc. that come up.

Neeru

==Lots of great ideas!==
Hi Benjamin,

Really glad to have you contributing to AcaWiki! Thanks for all the great ideas. Sorry to be so painfully slow to get back to you--I've been away for awhile!

I put news about the Zotero integration onto the front page. Do you have Trac access to Zotero? If so, you could submit your style via http://www.zotero.org/styles , which would make installing a one-step process (though users still might have to do the "fire on acawiki.org" configuration). If not, I could submit your CSL if that's easier for you. (I've just applied for a Trac account.) Is that ok? and you don't mind. Let me know.

For 2: In terms of editing templates, do you have a specific example? For the user address info, for instance, it can be [http://acawiki.org/index.php?title=Form:User&action=edit edited here]. (If you can't access that, let me know!

For 5: Yes, we are using Semantic MediaWiki. The forms problem (e.g. user subpages) comes from that. Let me know if you get a chance to report this problem to them.

For 6: www.acawiki.org works now; thanks for taking the time to point it out!

I think that leaves CAPTCHAs, metadata, and outreach as things to talk about later--hopefully Neeru will have more to say there!
[[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 20:20, 14 April 2010 (UTC)

PS [[AcaWiki:Bugs]] might be useful too if you haven't seen that yet. [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 20:20, 14 April 2010 (UTC)

==Database dumps==
It would be great to have you testing out the dumps; details at [[AcaWiki:Database Dumps]], please make corrections or point out problems as you come across them. :) [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 23:45, 1 June 2010 (UTC)

==WikiSym/WikiMania open space session?==
Hey Mako - It looks like we're both going to be at WikiSym and WikiMania. Want to plan an open space session on AcaWiki? What flavor of open space do these conferences go in for, anyway? [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 23:45, 1 June 2010 (UTC)

:I've got no real idea but we can arrange a BOF and put it on the wiki and folks will come. Also, there will be lightning talk sessions at Wikimania for sure, and I can make sure we're on those. Those tend to be pretty well attended. Lets meet up at WikiSym and plan something for Wikimania. Also, lets try to get fliers printed up if we can to hand out at both places. WikiSym is just about the perfect place to do it. Is there any Hewlett money left to do that? If not, I'd throw down a little money personally to help make it happen! —[[User:Benjamin Mako Hill|mako]][[User_talk:Benjamin Mako Hill|๛]] 23:01, 22 June 2010 (UTC)

::Sounds good to me! I've asked Neeru about the Hewlett money, will let you know what I find out. Can also put some funds towards this, if needed! Are you any good with flyer design? I'm thinking 4up, heavy paper. But design, that I'm not so good at! [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 21:24, 23 June 2010 (UTC)

:::I know my way around Inkscape (you've seen some of the figures I've reproduced, although that's not too fancy) and I think I can help from a friend who has done a couple Nature covers that looked quite good. [—[[User:Benjamin Mako Hill|mako]][[User_talk:Benjamin Mako Hill|๛]] 03:38, 24 June 2010 (UTC)

::::Awesome! Yeah, we have a budget for flyers/handbills. Let me know if you need feedback, or want me to handle the printing (would be in Poland, I don't have a good baggage allowance!). How many do you think we want? [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 12:00, 24 June 2010 (UTC)

:::::OK. Let's try to make stickers and postcard sized things to hand out. I'll try to design both this weekend with my friend Mad's help. We can do it Poland or I can bring them in my baggage. I can talk to the FSF about who does their stickers (they've tried lots of places and have some great looking ones). Maybe it would be better to do the postcards/handbills in Poland. Can you find a place there? —[[User:Benjamin Mako Hill|mako]][[User_talk:Benjamin Mako Hill|๛]] 15:48, 24 June 2010 (UTC)

::::::My friend knows a place near the university for printing, so that's one possibility. Any word on stickers? Any time for designing? [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 15:29, 1 July 2010 (UTC)

==Tags==
I notice that you're using mostly capitalized phrases for tags. I've been using lowercase ones (easier to type, differentiated from the 'subjects' which are capitalized). I think we should use lowercase tags, except for acronyms (e.g. HCI, CSCW). Want to persuade me that capitalized ones are always better? [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 09:41, 29 June 2010 (UTC)

:Either one is fine with me. My only suggestion is that if we go for lower-case tags we also lowercase the subject names which, at the moment, are all capital. They are essentially special tags and I type in both since I usually edit source. Is there no way SMW can handle case-insensitive tags? That would be my first preference. —[[User:Benjamin Mako Hill|mako]][[User talk:Benjamin Mako Hill|๛]] 13:51, 29 June 2010 (UTC)

==Items with only metadata: a third link type? ==
It strikes me that there's another way to envision items with only metadata. They're like redlinks, just with a little info. It would be swell to have a category (or something) for these items AND have them display differently -- so for instance if they displayed as yellow (instead of red or blue) it would be a signal to the reader. Lately as I'm adding references to articles, sometimes I'm creating a hyperlink (when I'm pretty sure I'll add the article later) but other times I'm adding a full reference, usually unhyperlinked. Seems like an opportunity for improvement/rationalization. [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 09:41, 29 June 2010 (UTC)
:I think that we'll find that adding a new link type requires changes to MediaWiki that we probably don't want to maintain. I think this would be the ideal solution, but unless we're going to develop and commit to maintain this, I think we need a solution that works with what we have.
:Wikipedia has struggled with this same issue to some degree. [[:wikipedia:Wikipedia:Inflationary_hypothesis_of_Wikipedia_growth|Research]] (sorry, no AW article yet!) suggests that red links help Wikipedia grow. You should read [[:wikipedia:WP:REDLINK|WP:REDLINK]] for an in-depth treatment of the subject. Of course, Wikipedia also allows [[:wikipedia:WP:STUB|stub articles]] which are useful but very minimal. These are categorized as such and people can easily get lists of stubs that they might contribute to or improve.
:I think the key question here is whether a empty summary on AW is more like a stub or more like an empty article on WP. If it's more like an empty article, we're probably better off with a red link. If it's more like a stub, we should probably keep them (and hell, encourage people to upload tons of metadata).
:I tend to think that's it more like an empty page and that, even with categorization, the pages give the illusion of content when there is in fact little value there. I understand that adding metadata to AW is still useful, but with the two automated methods for doing so now, I think it is an increasingly low barrier to entry. More importantly, I think that AW brings essentially no value to users in empty summaries. There are lots of places to get bibliographic metadata on the web and AW is not about to become one of them. —[[User:Benjamin Mako Hill|mako]][[User talk:Benjamin Mako Hill|๛]] 14:33, 29 June 2010 (UTC)

==EBSCO scraper doesn't always get DOIs==
Watch out when importing from EBSCO into Zotero; the DOI often turns out as Article (like in http://acawiki.org/index.php?title=Social_network_sites:_Definition,_history,_and_scholarship&oldid=3702 ). Thanks for adding this article; added DOI and URL, plus a link to the special issue (they did edit it). Will take a closer look later. :) [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 09:54, 29 June 2010 (UTC)

:Thanks for the hint. I haven't been paying any attention to the DOIs, for the most part. As you can see, many of my summaries are pretty rough (I'm not re-reading them before posting) and a bunch of them are missing DOIs. I figured that these can be added later either by me or someone else. At the moment, I'm just trying to get a bunch of stuff I've already read up on the site. Call me an [http://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Eventualism eventualist]. Thanks for helping clean these up! —[[User:Benjamin Mako Hill|mako]][[User talk:Benjamin Mako Hill|๛]] 14:16, 29 June 2010 (UTC)

== collapsing two pages ==

Hey Mako (guess it's the day of many comments/questions). There are two pages that should be collapsed: [[AcaWiki:Communications]] and [[AcaWiki:Communicate]]. Does one of these make more sense to you than the other? [[User:Jodi.a.schneider|Jodi.a.schneider]] 12:01, 29 June 2010 (UTC)

:I merged missing content from [[AcaWiki:Communicate]] into [[AcaWiki:Communications]] and changed [AcaWiki:Communicate]] into a redirect. I don't really have a preference for which should be the redirect and which should be the "real" article. This just seemed easier to do. —[[User:Benjamin Mako Hill|mako]][[User talk:Benjamin Mako Hill|๛]] 14:37, 29 June 2010 (UTC)

== Zotero Integration Question ==

Hey Mako! While taking your awesome Zotero CSL file out for a spin this afternoon, I found that some of the AcaWiki markup didn't seem to survive the drag-and-drop transition from the body of my Zotero note. \Specifically, it looks like all the formatting (italics, bold, etc) made it, but the summary template markup did not. Does that sound right? From the look of things in your instructions the summary template should have made it too. If so, any tips on how I might go about diagnosing the problem and/or stuff I might tinker with in order to fix it? - [[User:Aaronshaw|Aaronshaw]] 22:59, 1 July 2010 (UTC)

User:Aaronshaw

2010-07-01T22:52:53Z

Aaronshaw: created the page, added some a placeholder & photo

{{User
|name=Aaron Shaw
|photo=Shaw headshot crop2.JPG
|location=UC Berkeley, Berkeley, CA, USA
}}
Hello, AcaWiki

Just getting settled here - I plan to add more soon.

Feel free to contact me via my talk page.

[[User:Aaronshaw|Aaronshaw]] 22:52, 1 July 2010 (UTC)

File:Shaw headshot crop2.JPG

2010-07-01T22:47:31Z

Aaronshaw: a headshot

a headshot